The veil is popular in all of the North African countries, so the question is why? Tunisia has taken the stance of banning the veil in public places, such as government offices, schools, and universities. In Algeria, the veil became the symbol of Islamists, which the country is currently working to keep at bay. Hijab is a generic term, which refers to the Islamic scarf as opposed to a full-face covering (niqab). Wearing it has spread among Muslim women, since it became obligatory in Iran after the revolution of 1979. While in the 1960s, it was the trend among Arab women not to wear the veil, in fact to remove it, a majority of young people today support its usage. Times have definitely changed, since the daughters of the popular King Muhammad V of Morocco dressed in European fashions.
First, it could be part of a political agenda. Political movements may promote adoption of hijab and a certain role for women in the pursuit of political objectives. In this respect, governments monitor its use in an attempt to measure the rise of extremist or radical groups. Islam can be a cover in societies, which do not allow freedom of expression or meaningful political opposition. The Party of Justice and Development, the growing influence of Al Adl Wal Ihsane, the movement of Sheikh Abdessalem Yassine, and the regular dismantling of salafist cells are all features of contemporary Moroccan political life.
Second, Islamic countries may be seeking to reaffirm their religion and culture in the midst of the political turmoil of the 21st century, where Islam has often played a central role. Knowledge of Middle Eastern conflicts and issues involving Muslims is available to nearly all through the media. Many Muslims have interpreted the war on terrorism as an attack on Islam. Some Muslims became determined to uphold their customary practices, such as wearing the hijab or veil, upon seeing it banned or under fire in Western nations. Seeing their religion under what they interpreted as negative scrutiny, Muslims wanted to return to and uphold their roots.
Third, social pressure plays a role. Islam has become the dominant ideology of the Middle East and North Africa after the collapse of Arab nationalism, beginning with Nasser’s death in the early 1970s. For centuries, male judges have interpreted Islamic law and upheld a conservative, customary explanation. Presently, some argue that wearing the hijab was a sign of conservatism in the north and south of Morocco for centuries, without necessarily having religious overtones. Others would say, nonetheless, that religious judges upheld such practices in the name of religion and that religious connotations remain associated with them today. In the current political climate, even university professors appear to favor female students who wear the hijab. Wearing the veil or hijab is seen as a brand of respectability.
Fourth, critical thinking is not an attitude encouraged in Arab societies. Women especially have been taught to be obedient and take for granted the norms of hand-me-down religion and tradition without investigating the matter for themselves. Thus, many young women say that the hijab is a religious obligation, that their fathers explained to them that wearing it, upon becoming a young women, made them closer to God. They would also never remain alone with a young man and disdain swimming. According to them, a veiled woman is following God’s commands and even more attractive to the opposite sex.
Fifth, veiling may be the modernization of tradition. The hijab is a practical means for women to move around more freely in a hostile (conservative, patriarchal) environment. It’s a “visa to tranquility,” an ideal way of reducing family pressure. Generally, wearing the veil is seen as a measure of propriety. For certain women, especially governmental workers of modest means, it offers an inexpensive mode of appearing in public properly and decently dressed. It works to sanction employment outside the home, by retaining their decorum. Furthermore, young men and women can go to pastry shops and tea salons as a couple, if they are serious about each other with the prospect of marriage in view. Putting on a veil retains a cover of respectability in any such encounter.
Sixth, class differences are another source of differentiation. Lower classes usually have less education, exposure to the cultural and intellectual influences of the world outside. In poor suburbs, more women will be wearing the niqab and followed, as their shadow, by a brother or husband. Another young Moroccan, born in France but returned to the country to marry, dances for a profession and has not taken up the veil. She and her husband also tried to take up the ritual prayers for Ramadan but failed in the attempt. Age is another factor in the mix. Older women grew up wearing traditional dress and may consider themselves improperly attired without it.
Seventh, wearing the hijab has become a fashion statement and means of personal expression. In relation to this, young people will be young people. Shops specialize solely in the sale of scarves, which are available in varieties of fabrics and colors, with sequins, pearls, or other trinkets. Women wear them in a multiplicity of styles and with all kinds of outfits. Two women from a working class neighborhood wear long black winter coats. However, one adorns herself with severely round glasses, no makeup whatsoever, and only a little sunblock. The other wears a scarf sprinkled with sequins. She has finely shaped eyebrows, delicate eye makeup, and manicured fingernails. For her, the hijab doesn’t mean she can’t be chic. Another group of young women may dress in jellabahs and dark headscarves as in uniform. Still others will wear headscarves adeptly matched with other attire, such as a red leather jacket and brown camel skirt. Then, there are the flashy veilers with transparent head coverings and low, slim sexy jeans. In the hip music areas of Casablanca, adolescents may wear military style garb with khaki veils. Marketers of veils have all sorts of niches to fill or cater to. Even prostitutes find the veil useful as a shield from the critical gaze of neighbors and the oversight of police officers.
Rule of the Social Sciences: No one factor explains everything. As can be seen, the issue of the hijab in Morocco and North African countries is complex, multifaceted, and paradoxical. It has become commonplace, so no one is astonished by its usage. Yet, it remains of symbolic importance. Companies, such as Royal Air Maroc, wishing to project a modern image discourage or forbid its wearing. The wife of King Muhammad VI, who also bears the title, Commander of the Faithful, has not adopted the headscarf. However, the women Islamic preachers recently promoted by the Minister of Islamic Affairs all wear it. On the one hand, supporters state that it honors femininity and allows women freedom of movement in security, even as it reflects the confusion, uncertainty, and disaffection of Morocco’s youth. Critics see the hijab as perpetuating discrimination between the sexes and losing out on modernity. Secularism is inconceivable in these societies at the moment; and the altercation between mosque, state, and custom goes on.
(Maréchaud, Cerise. A voile et à valeurs. Jeune Afrique, No. 2395. Du 3 au 9 décembre 2006, pp. 34-36.)
Huge shallow puddles remain in fields and by the side of roads even thought it’s been over a week since it’s rained. Locals say it’s due to the clay in the soil.
Here are some last minute images of Algerian women leaders. I developed these upon my return to the U.S. The first is of Aicha Barki, president of Iqraa', an internationally recognized accredited and award winning organization, which she founded to help the illiterate. Iqraa' is the first word of the Qur'an and means "Read." It is thus a powerful form of motivation to those seeking to learn to read and write in a predominantly Muslim society. Adult education was enshrined as a right in the 1962 Constitution and reinforced by presidential decree in 1976. Literacy rates for men and women in Algeria stood at 51 and 75 percent respectively in 1999-2000.
Here is Fatima Zohra Karadja, president of the National Association for the Support of Troubled and Institutionalized Children (Association Nationale de Soutien aux Enfants en Difficulté et en Institution). The unit focuses on women, especially single mothers, by working to prepare them for their parental role. ANSEDI also facilitates training sessions for women from opposing factions to come together for sensitisation and dialogue on human rights. In cooperation with other organisations, ANSEDI is formulating a strategy to fight against social exclusion by involving at-risk populations in community activities.
Finally, a picture of Belaala Mériem, president of the Association Nationale S.O.S. Femmes en Détresse (National Association of Aid to Women in Distress). 
